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By Allen Packwood
Allen
Packwood explains how the grandson of a Duke came to represent an
industrial neighbor of Manchester
Churchill's links with the town of Oldham began
in the summer of 1899 when he was approached by the local Conservative
Party and asked to stand as a Tory candidate in the impending
by-election. At first glance he appears a strange choice. He was
certainly not a local man. In fact, it would be fair to say that his
roots were both geographically and socially far removed from the
industrial North-West.
Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, born at
Blenheim Palace to the second son of a Duke, was brought up by a nanny
in large houses full of servants. His education was typical of the
Victorian aristocrat, passing from private boarding schools to Harrow
and then to Sandhurst. He did not excel at all of his studies. His
early school reports make for entertaining reading. His first
headmaster described him as "a constant trouble to
everybody...always in some scrape or other" and, on another
occasion, opined (with notable lack of prescience) that he lacked
ambition.
But by 1899 Churchill did have two things going
for him. The first was the reputation of his father. Lord Randolph
Churchill's glittering political career had been cut short by illness,
and he had died in 1895 aged only 45. But at the height of his powers
in the early 1880s Lord Randolph had been famous for his wit and fiery
speeches. It was Lord Randolph who conceived of appealing for support
of the Conservative Party to ordinary working classes under the slogan
of "Tory Democracy." Although he never really defined what
Tory Democracy actually was, it ensured that he was remembered fondly
in places like Oldham, where his speeches had been well received.
Young Winston's second advantage by 1899 was his
own rapidly developing reputation. Although only in his twenties he
was already master of the art of self-promotion. On leaving Sandhurst
he had joined the army as a cavalry officer, but it was never his
intention to remain in uniform for long. He wanted to "forge his
sword into a despatch box" and enter the world of politics. In
order to do this he needed to make both money and a name for himself.
His solution was to transfer himself to as many danger spots as
possible and then to publish his experiences as newspaper articles and
books.
In 1895 he had used his army leave to travel to
Cuba and observe at first hand the uprising against the Spanish
authorities. Here he came under fire for the first time. His
adventures were serialised in the Daily
Graphic newspaper. In the winter of 1896-97 he fought on the
North West Indian frontier. This led to a mention in despatches and to
his first book, The
Story of the Malakand Field Force. In 1898 he popped up with
General Kitchener's expeditionary force in the Sudan and took part in
the famous cavalry charge against the Dervishes at the Battle of
Omdurman. Inevitably, this escapade spawned another book, The
River War. All of this literary activity provided him with an
income and, perhaps more importantly, with publicity.
Churchill's candidature at Oldham was very much
a marriage of convenience. A "young man in a hurry," he was
desperate to follow in his famous father's footsteps. And the
Conservative Party in Oldham was keen to field a candidate with the
Churchill name and family connections.
At the end of the last century the borough of
Oldham still returned two MPs to Parliament. At the previous election
the town had returned two Conservatives, Robert Ascroft and James
Oswald. The by-election of 1899 had been brought about as a result of
an unfortunate set of circumstances. Ascroft had died suddenly and
Oswald had resigned because of ill health, thereby leading to a
contest for both seats. Churchill's "running mate" from the
Conservative Party was James Mawdsley, a local man, general secretary
of the Lancashire branch of the Amalgamated Association of Cotton
Spinners. In his autobiography, My
Early Life, Churchill concedes that this was a strange
combination: The "scion of the ancient British Aristocracy"
and the "Tory working-man candidate." Their opponents were
the two Liberal nominees: Alfred Emmott, owner of a local cotton
spinning firm and the shipping magnate Walter Runciman.
The election campaign provided Churchill with
his first impressions of Oldham. His contemporary letters to his
mother survive amongst the Churchill Papers and provide a rare insight
into his true feelings. They reveal a certain culture clash.
Writing from Oldham on 25 June 1899 he asked
Lady Randolph to come down for his big opening address on Tuesday
night. He pointed out that there was no hotel--by which he meant that
there was no hotel suitable for someone of her status--and observed
that "There is practically no local society--only multitudes of
workers." He was however very confident about his own abilities
and prospects, asserting that, "there is no doubt that if anyone
can win this seat I can."
The letters also provide a vivid insight into
how the election was conducted. In an age before radio and television,
campaigns were sustained almost entirely through speeches and public
appearances before large audiences. In a 29 June letter to his cousin,
the Duke of Marlborough, Churchill summarises his campaign to date:
"I opened on Tuesday night with a big meeting of 2,500 in the
Theater, and last night I addressed two meetings of about 1,100 each,
and 1,600 tonight." It is difficult to imagine such attendances
at election meetings today.
Churchill's confidence about the election result
was short lived. There was a lot of local opposition from Oldham's
large, nonconformist population to the Conservative Government's
Clerical Tithes Bill, which subsidized the Church of England from
local rates. Churchill clearly feared that this was driving people
towards the Liberals: his letter of 29 June goes on to complain that
"the tide is turning strongly against the Tory Party" and
expresses his belief that the Conservatives will be beaten
"simply because the Government have brought forward this stupid
bill." His attempts to distance himself from the Party line were
not successful. The voting on 6 July saw the two Liberals elected and
Churchill and Mawdsley beaten into third and fourth place. Churchill
wrote later that he "returned to London with those feelings of
deflation which a bottle of Champagne or even soda-water represents
when it has been half emptied and left uncorked for a night."
Churchill's failure at Oldham did not deter him
from continuing to pursue politics, and he returned to contest the
seat again in the general election of 1900. This time he was
successful, and the main reason for his success was his newfound fame
and fortune.
In the aftermath of his defeat at Oldham the
young Churchill had returned to his day job as a roving war
correspondent, travelling to South Africa to cover the Boer War for The
Morning Post. On 15 November 1899 he boarded an armoured train
making a reconnaissance out of Estcourt. It was ambushed by Boers,
and, after a heroic defence in which he helped most of the train to
escape, Churchill was captured. He was taken to Pretoria and held in a
makeshift prison in the States Model School. Not to be penned up long,
on 12 December he jumped over the wall and on to a passing goods
train. The Boer authorities issued a reward for his capture; copies of
the official instructions issued by the Acting Commissioner of Police
survive among the Churchill Papers in both English and Afrikaans. (See
Finest Hour
105.)
Churchill was alone and on the run in Africa,
which must have been the last place on earth that he expected to meet
someone from Oldham. But for three days he was hidden in a coal mine,
and the mining engineer who helped to lower him into his hiding place
was Oldham native Dan Dewsnap. Churchill
later described how Mr. Dewsnap
locked his hand "in a grip of crushing vigour" and said,
"They'll all vote for you next time."
Dewsnap was right.
Churchill's escape made him a national hero and, although he stayed in
South Africa until the following summer, the incident was enough to
ensure his celebrity status. He returned to Oldham to speak on 25 July
1900 and was greeted by brass bands and massed crowds: "Oldham
almost without distinction of party accorded me a triumph. I entered
the town in state in a procession of ten landaus, and drove through
streets crowded with enthusiastic operatives and mill girls. I
described my escape to a tremendous meeting in the Theater
Royal." There is an interesting footnote to the Dewsnap
story here, for when Churchill mentioned the role played in his escape
by this son of Oldham "the audience shouted: 'His wife's in the
gallery!'"
This warm reception may have been instrumental
in persuading Churchill to stand for Oldham again in the general
election of October 1900. The archives show that he had been
approached by the Southport Conservative Association and asked to
stand as their candidate as early as April 1900. But in a letter to
his mother from South Africa in May he stated that "I have very
nearly made up my mind to stand again for Oldham. They have implored
me not to desert them." Churchill had lost by less than 1500
votes in 1899 and with his newfound fame he clearly felt that he had
better chance than in the year before.
This time round the other Conservative candidate
was a stockbroker called Charles Crisp. James Mawdsley had been forced
to retire from political life after an unfortunate accident. According
to Churchill he was a very heavy man who "had taken a bath in a
china vessel which had broken under his weight," inflicting
severe injuries.
Churchill clearly took this campaign very
seriously. Writing to his mother in August, he explained that he had
turned down other speaking engagements because he felt that he must
concentrate all his efforts upon the campaign: "I must be about
Oldham everyday, and it would be so foolish to throw away any chance
of winning the seat merely for the purpose of pleasure." By 21
September he was once again imploring Lady Randolph to come and help
him campaign. Mr. Crisp's wife was apparently "indefatigable,
going about trying to secure voters and generally keeping the thing
going." It seems to have been the expected thing for each
candidate to have the support of a woman, and without a wife,
Churchill had to turn to his famous mother.
Churchill's campaign was also greatly helped by
Joseph Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies and one of the
most famous Conservative politicians of the day. For most of his
career Churchill would find himself at odds with Joseph Chamberlain,
and indeed his son Neville; but for now they were allies and
Chamberlain traveled to Oldham to speak on Churchill's behalf.
The polling of 1900 has become known as the
Khaki Election because it was conducted against the backdrop of
apparent British success in the Boer War. This put the Conservative
Government in a strong position and allowed Churchill to exploit his
South African experiences to the full. In his printed address to the
electors of the Borough, Churchill appealed to the growing mood of
patriotism, asking the voters to set their seal "to the work
which has been nobly done by the soldiers in South Africa, by
proclaiming to the jealous nations of Europe that England believes in
the justice of her cause and is determined to persevere."
The Oldham result was declared on 1 October. It
had been a close call. The Liberals retained their overall majority,
but enough Liberal voters had given Churchill their second vote to get
him elected as the town's second MP. Churchill's long career in the
House of Commons had begun.
Letters of congratulation poured in. Lord
Salisbury, the former Conservative Prime Minister wrote, "I can
well understand that your African performances, of various kinds,
should have had a perceivable effect on the minds of the electors of
Oldham. They have always been a difficult constituency to
tackle."
Churchill launched into his parliamentary career
with great relish. But what sort of local MP was he? The truthful
answer is probably that he was a remote figure. His base was certainly
London and there are signs that the constituency organization was
fairly primitive. In December 1903 Churchill received a letter from
Mr. Ware, the organizing secretary and registration agent of the
Oldham Conservative Association. The contents give an insight into the
dismal working conditions in the Party's office:
"There is neither warmth nor comfort in the
place. Through the recent frost one of my clerks is dead (pneumonia)
and the other has acute bronchitis, & the two illnesses can only
be attributed to the absence of any fire or warmth in the office, and
to general damp, dark, unsanitary condition."
Four days later the other clerk had died, forcing
Mr. Ware to reflect that, "It is a co-incidence that both my clerks
should have been removed by the hand of death within a week from one
another." On the positive side, however, he observed that, "I
think that our office will be conducted with more discipline, decorum,
and efficiency than what has been possible with old men in the office
who have been accustomed to a 'set' style, and think that the world
(politically) is coming to an end if one attempts to alter it."
Churchill's position did involve him in a
certain amount of local patronage. There were requests for references
from those wanting to be local tax collectors or sanitary inspectors,
and requests for support and money from local institutions. Perhaps
the most amusing of these is the letter from the Oldham Temperance
Mission asking for a donation towards the cost of some building work.
Someone, possibly Churchill himself, has underlined one of the key
phrases in the letter: "The only plank of our platform is that
the members must be teetotal." We can be sure that this was one
local group which did not ask Churchill to become its patron.
The main development during Churchill's time at
Oldham was his breach with the Tory Party which led to his resigning
the seat. The debate involving tariffs at the beginning of the last
century can be likened to the current debate over Europe: it aroused
strong feelings and cut across party lines. A wing of the Conservative
Party, under Joseph Chamberlain, wanted to introduce tariffs or taxes
on imported foods and goods, while others like Churchill defended the
Victorian policy of Free Trade.
It is not clear why Churchill embraced Free
Trade so wholeheartedly. In part it must have been principle. But it
also provided him with a cause to champion, and a useful means of
getting noticed within the House of Commons. In Oldham it quickly led
to a breach with the majority of his own supporters. By 1903 the grass
roots of the Conservative Party were clearly lining up behind
Chamberlain, and Oldham was no exception. In August 1903 the
Marlborough Conservative Club, in the Clarkesfield Ward on Pitt Street
East, passed a resolution protesting against Churchill's conduct
"in committing himself to a hostile attitude towards the Fiscal
Reform Scheme." And in December Churchill and Earl Lytton appear
to have been physically prevented from addressing a meeting at the
North Chadderton Conservative Club. The general secretary subsequently
sent an apology for this "uncourteous treatment" which he
blamed on "a few of the least intelligent members, simply the
riff raff of the club."
The matter had come to a head in October when
the Oldham Conservative Association had reacted angrily to a letter by
Churchill in which he described Joseph Chamberlain as a
"quack." Samuel Smethurst, vice chairman of the local
association and one of Churchill's few supporters within the party,
wrote that his letter "seems to have had the effect of a spark
laid to gunpowder" and added, "Frankly I think your chance
now at the next election seems small, and if you are to find your
platform it will have to be on the Liberal side."
On 28 December 1903, the General Purposes Committee of the Oldham
Conservative Party formally passed a motion of no-confidence in
Winston Churchill. This was ratified by the Executive Committee in
January 1904 and Churchill ceased to be the official Conservative
candidate. He could have resigned, forcing an immediate by-election,
but after considerable negotiation behind the scenes it was decided
that this was in nobody's interest.
Thus Churchill remained MP for the borough until the general election
of 1906. But his interests were now increasingly elsewhere. On 31 May
1904 he completed his break with the Conservative Party, dramatically
crossing the floor of the House of Commons to take up a seat on the
Liberal opposition benches next to the radical Lloyd George. Just days
before he had been selected to stand at the next general election as
the candidate for North-West Manchester. Politically and
geographically he had moved down the road.
It turned out to be a good move. He was swept to victory in Manchester
in 1906 and became a junior minister in the Liberal Government. From
there he rose rapidly, entering the Cabinet as President of the Board
of Trade in 1908, and later serving as Home Secretary and First Lord
of the Admiralty. But his career was not all plain sailing. He was
forced to resign from the Government after the failure of the
Dardanelles campaign in 1915, and spent most of the 1930s out of
office. But by then he was a national figure.
There can be no doubt that the summer of 1940 was Churchill's
"Finest Hour." He replaced Neville Chamberlain as Prime
Minister on the day that Hitler began his blitzkrieg in Western
Europe. Within two months Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and
France had capitulated, and the British Expeditionary Force had been
evacuated from Dunkirk. The prospect of a German invasion became a
reality, and the Churchill Papers include copies of intelligence
reports describing the build-up of enemy forces across the Channel.
The might of the Luftwaffe
was unleashed as the country faced the Battle of Britain, and then the
Blitz.
Churchill provided hope and inspiration. Phrases such as "Never
in the field of human conflict was so much owed by so many to so
few" assumed a great psychological importance. Churchill did more
than just talk. He toured the bomb-damaged towns and cities, and took
a keen interest in any measure that might improve morale.
It seems appropriate that the borough of Oldham, Churchill's first
constituency, was also the first of many towns and cities formally to
recognise his amazing achievements. Churchill was elected a Freeman of
Oldham in 1941, when the outcome of the war was still far from
certain. He never came to collect the Freedom Scroll, although he did
visit Oldham briefly in June 1945 during his election tour.
In November 1964 Churchill was ninety years old. It was clear that he
would not live much longer. Telegrams of congratulation poured in from
throughout the United Kingdom and around the world. The mayor of
Oldham sent one on behalf of all the townspeople, "whose parents
launched you on [y]our parliamentary career."
What can we conclude about Churchill's time at Oldham? For him it was
very much the first rung on the ladder. Oldham got Churchill into
politics and into Parliament. It gave him his first experiences, not
only of campaigning and public speaking but also of political
in-fighting and maneuvering. It may also have given him his first real
insight into the lot of the ordinary working man, and so contributed
to his move towards Liberalism. In later life Churchill looked back
fondly on his time at Oldham, remembering "the warm hearts and
bright eyes of its people," and writing that "No one can
come in close contact with the working folk of Lancashire without
wishing them well." I am sure that Oldham has come to regard
Churchill in similarly nostalgic terms. The records reveal a less rosy
but far more lively and interesting reality.
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